{"id":50,"date":"2025-08-07T20:27:49","date_gmt":"2025-08-07T20:27:49","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/politicsuk\/?p=50"},"modified":"2025-10-10T11:16:36","modified_gmt":"2025-10-10T11:16:36","slug":"chapter-13","status":"publish","type":"content","link":"https:\/\/staging.routledgelearning.com\/politicsuk\/part-3-the-representative-process\/chapter-13\/","title":{"rendered":"Chapter 13"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
\n
\n
\n\tHome<\/a>\n<\/span>\u203a<\/span>\n\tPart 3 \u2013 The Representative Process<\/a>\n<\/span>\u203a<\/span>\n\tChapter 13\n<\/span><\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Chapter 13<\/h1>\n\n\n

Devolution<\/em><\/em><\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

\n
\n
\n
\n
\n

Chapter Summary<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The beginning of this chapter looked at Todd\u2019s three models of devolution. Of those models the current type of devolution in Britain appears to be moving towards Todd\u2019s \u2018renewal of imperial legacies\u2019 model. As we have noted in this chapter, there has been a constant transfer of powers and policy areas to the devolved nations yet this has now mainly stopped and we are in a period of consolidation. Giving the devolved institutions their own tax raising powers has not given them any more effective financial independence than when they started. Increased tax raising from the devolved institutions only represents a small percentage of their expenditure and they still remain predominantly reliant of the block grants provided by Westminster. The devolved institutions whether by accident or design remain heavily reliant for their continued existence on Westminster and Whitehall and lack the independence to go their own way.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There is no doubt that those living in areas of devolution have become much more aware of the national differences within the UK. From student finance, voting, to law and order and taxation it can now make a substantial difference where people live to their lives. Policies are being tailored to suit both regional needs and demands. Yet at the same time there is no clear plan as to how this links up politically or constitutionally across the UK. We have ended up with a quasi-federal system of government within a unitary state. The desire of the current Labour government for national unity and consistency at the same time pulls not only against nationalist interests but often again nationalist interests within its own par-ty. The extent to which the government deals with its internal tensions over the second half of the 2020s will probably be as important if not more important than how the previous government has had to deal with the external pressures to UK unity.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n
\n

Learning Objectives<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
    \n
  • To define devolution and note the various devolutionary models.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • To explain the background and role of nationalism and the subsequent drive towards political devolution and independence within the UK.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • To cover the story of how devolution evolved across the United Kingdom and Northern Ireland.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • To assess some of the key events and developments in devolutionary politics in the last half century of devolution.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • To explore some of the major impacts on the politics of the UK from the advent of devolution.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n
    \n\n\n\n
    \n

    Quizzes<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

    Test your knowledge with the Chapter 13 quizzes!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \n
    \n

    Quiz<\/h3>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n